In effect it is a duel between the Freedom and Justice Party (FJP) and what is perceived as the old order of Mubarak and military rule attempting a come back. The daily newspaper of Cairo Al-Akhbar summed it up: "It is between a Sheikh and a field marshall." Each of the two has burst on the national scene with heavy baggage of the past -a contest between the Islamists who are untried in governance, and the old hands (Shafik was the last Prime Minister under Mubarak) who had unfortunately made of Egypt a security State.
In comes the art of compromise to win the hearts and minds of 53 million Egyptians who will have the rare chance of elevating one of these two controversial candidates to the presidency.
For Morsi, the assurances of a government of national unity, and a readiness, if elected, to have a prime minister from outside the Muslim Brotherhood. And for Shafik, a renewed commitment to the principles of the January 25 Revolution, a non-reintroduction of the defunct regime, and non-interference in the upcoming criminal trials of Mubarak & Sons.
With the Brotherhood controlling 50% of seats in the new Parliament (the Salafis have 20%, but no coalition is expected to emerge between the moderate Islamists and the Salafis who are regarded as Wahabbi-oriented), the Morsi campaign is busy assuring the country that concentrating power in Parliament together the Presidency would be bad for Egypt. Their declarations focus on the following themes: the Government should reflect the views of all political forces in Egypt; there shall be a presidential advisory group including Copts and other parties representatives with a role in decision-making; and a revolutionary front to confront the remnants of the now-dissolved National Democratic Party of the Mubarak era.
Shafik seems to have a more difficult time assuring the electorate that, as president, he would turn his back completely on the Egypt of Mubarak. His main appeal is that his law and order background would ensure the augmentation of security, nationally and on the street. He cites his experience in executive matters, together with his military background as necessary ingredients for assuring the outside world about the secularity of Egypt and for attracting foreign investments.
Yet attacks on Shafik continue unabated (his campaign, headquarters was recently attacked and was partly damaged by arson.) Some of these attacks take an extreme form such as the claim that Al-Azhar had issued a fatwa (religious advice or edict) that voting for Shafik would be un-Islamic. Al-Azhar, the Cairo-based venerable citadel of Islamic moderation and inclusiveness for more than a 1000 years, quickly denied that news.
Beyond these efforts by Morsi and Shafik to attract votes and secure victory later this month in the second and final round of voting, the political scene in Egypt keeps on producing assurances for a future democratic Egypt:
- A new charter called "The Obligation" or "The Commitment" (Al-Aahd) promulgated by the new Egyptian Democratic Party and endorsed by several other political parties, called for the formation of an inclusive presidential group to advise the new president. It also called for the formation of a coalition government of national unity which would include youth, woman and Copts.
- Parliament Legislative Committee has approved a draft bill for general amnesty applicable to political malfeasants whose infractions do not rise up to the level of criminal activity.
- Seven political groupings in Assiut, Upper Egypt, have decided to boycott the run-off elections. They felt that neither presidential candidate has met their expectations. But the Mofti of Egypt, the progressive Dr. Aly Gomaa, issued an appeal to all Egyptians to vote and to stand behind whoever wins this month.
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