The Muslim Brotherhood Listed By The Egyptian Government As a Terrorist Organization

As Christmas Day was ringing to the world the famous traditional song "Peace on Earth," the Egyptian Government was declaring "The Muslim Brotherhood" a terrorist organization.  Never before has the Brotherhood been so categorized.  During most of its 85 years of existence, it was banned.  That was an elastic ban which was tightened or loosened depending on the Government's degree of anxiety as regards the Brotherhood's impact on politics and society.  So what has so radically changed precipitating such drastic listing?

The tragedy of the Brotherhood in post-Mubarak Egypt began on April 1, 2012.  On that date, that organization nominated its longtime strategist, Khairat El-Shater, to run for the post of President.  It was a break by the Brotherhood of its pledge not to have nominations  for the highest post in Egypt.


Top US State Department officials had praised El-Shater's "moderation, business savvy and effectiveness."  Yet in fact he was a protagonist for an explicitly Islamic government.  Divisive by nature, he stood in opposition of "the liberal wing" of the Brotherhood.  Abdel-Moneim Aboul Fotouh, Kamal El-Helbawy and Abdel-Rahman Ayyash were prominent liberal who became casualties of bulldozer El-Shater.

Elevating El-Shater to a demi-god, Badie, the Brotherhood's Supreme Guide, who is now with El-Shater in jail since July 2013, said darkly at that time: "To all those who will slander engineer Khairat El-Shater, his prayers against those who slander him are answered."  Within a few days, demi-god El-Shater was, under Egyptian citizenship laws regarding presidential candidates, disqualified.  Morsi was El-Shater replacement on the ballot for president in the summer of 2012.  Morsi won the post over his military opponent, General Shafik, and thus began a year of Islamist rule in Egypt.

From the pinnacle of power in the most populous Arab country of nearly 90 millions, to the abyss of populist impeachment on June 30, 2013, the Brotherhood's journey was a series of self inflicted wounds.  That self immolation, though expressed in a series of putchist moves against secularist Egypt, stemmed primarily from the Brotherhood's abuse of Islamic tenets for sordid ends of power.

In a seminal article by Imad Al-Ghazali in the Cairo daily Al-Shorook, published on December 19, 2013, this analyst lamented the continued Brotherhood attacks by word and terrorist actions against Egypt's armed forces.  Quoting partially from that article which was published 6 days before the Mansoura massacre of police and civilians by Islamist Brotherhood affiliates, Al-Ghazali said: "This is the army that sided with the Egyptian revolution of January 25.  It is the army which supported the millions who rose up on June 30 refusing the rule by Morsi and the Brotherhood.  It is the army which loses in Sinai every day its personnel gunned down by the bullets of treachery and terror."

In a legal assessment of the listing by the Egyptian Government on December 25, 2013, of the Muslim Brotherhood as a terrorist organization, I posit the following in a nutshell fashion:

The declaration of "The Muslim Brotherhood" as a terrorist organization is legally sound.  It is anchored in the presidential decrees of 1996, as well as in the conventions on terrorism adopted by the League of Arab States (1998) and the Organization of the Islamic Cooperation {successor of "Conference"} (1999).  The perpetration of the massacre of the police personnel and civilians at Mansoura two days ago, and its adoption by Islamist units federated with the Brotherhood, fall within the parameters adopted by the UN General Assembly in the early 2000s on terrorism.  The Brotherhood, having, since July 3, 2013, embarked upon a campaign of non-recognition of all actions by the transitional Government, of fomenting challenges to the law on public demonstrations, of open support of the Sinai rebellion, of generating campaigns domestically and internationally against sectarian amity, and of open collaboration with Hamas, are actions justifying defining that organization internally and externally as a terrorist organization.

Note should be taken of Article 237 of the draft of the Egyptian Constitution which shall be the subject of plebiscite on January 14, and 15, 2014.  In part, the article provides that: "The State is committed to fight terrorism in all its forms --as a threat to the homeland and its citizens." (my translation from the Arabic)

In addition, Article 74, among other things, denies the establishment of any political parties on religious basis.  This accords with the document issued by Al-Azhar, and co-signed by the Coptic Church on August 11, 2011 stating that: "Islam does not create a State based solely on religion."

It was on December 19, 2013 that the so-called "National Coalition For the Support of Democracy and the Opposition of the Coup" (in reference to the present transitional government), called for public demonstrations to abort the constitutional plebiscite.  That declaration called on "The revolutionary citizens to rise up in defense of their revolution, to ignite an  uprising in all public squares, and to mobilize by the millions on this Friday (Dec. 20).  This shall usher a new revolutionary week under the banner proclaiming "The 2012 Constitution is Ours."

Well, these millions did not respond to the Brotherhood's call.  While in Cairo in early December, I heard nothing but support for the 2014 Constitution.  And the dreams of the Brotherhood of establishing "The Islamic Emirate of Egypt" proved to be an unreachable goal.  The characterization on December 2013 by religious frauds like Sheikh Al-Qaradawi of the constitutional plebiscite as "a worthless undertaking," caused millions to laugh at his lunacy.

The Muslim Brotherhood's advocacy of a religious uprising against a deeply-rooted secular Egypt has proven the barrenness of, and in fact, the stupidity of its manifesto.  Treating stupidity charitably is to quote from a saying by Pope John Paul II who proclaimed: "Even stupidity is a gift from God."

Charitable interpretation of "stupidity" aside, Egypt is already moving in a post-Muslim Brotherhood mode.  This is in spite of the Brotherhood's resort to attacking soft civilian targets.  The Egyptian grade school texts have been revised to emphasize love of the homeland; the private sector, especially with regard to tourism and trade, is being energized; and the preservation of ancient Egyptian, Christian, Jewish and Islamic antiquities and edifices is once more becoming a national passion.

With a wary eye on the abuse in mosques of the Friday sermons by unqualified Muslim preachers, the Ministry of Waqfs (Entails and Trusts) has as of early December 2013, reasserted control over the pulpits.  The campaign of restoration of Islam to its traditional advocacy of tolerance and moderation, is in vogue.  Waqf Minister Muhammad Mokhtar Gomaa ascended the pulpit at Al-Azhar mosque on December 6, 2013.  His message was an official declaration of the start of purification of the pulpits in Egyptian mosques of the venom of fanaticism.

No less than 527 non-qualified and non -Azharite religious pulpit-mongers were forbidden from delivering Friday sermons.  The Minister of Waqfs also called for the dissolution of the Egyptian branch of the Union of Islamic Scholars.  This prompted Sheikh Al-Qaradawi to resign from the union's membership.  His pet sermons called on the Egyptian army to mutiny against its commanders.  That call for insurrection went nowhere eve prior to declaring the Brotherhood, whose spiritual leader is Al-Qaradawi himself, a terrorist cabal.

Oh, and one more thing Sheikh Qaradawi: Your accumulated wealth as a Qatari citizen is no passport to your ill-conceived fatwas, especially regarding the Shiis being non-Muslims.  Your dialogue with the Iranian reformist, former President Hashem Rafsanjani, was nothing but a dark episode in the recent history of Sunni-Shii dialogues.

Here is an adage for you, Sheikh Qaradawi.  It applies to your urging mutiny upon Egyptian armed forces recruits.  The source of this adage is the late great novelist, Tom Clancy who said: "If you want to kick the tiger in his a.., you'd better have a plan for dealing with his teeth."

Locked With the Land of the Nile in an Embrace of Reciprocal Learning

In Egypt for 2 weeks this December, I learnt and shared my knowledge.  I learnt why every Egyptian I met, in various walks of life, hated the Muslim Brotherhood. "Liars," they described them; "army-haters," they characterized them; "Islam abusers," they lamented; "foreign agents," they ridiculed them.

From the taxi driver to the university professor; from my niece, the economist, to the goat herder in our village in Sharkia; from the diplomat, to the seller of roasted corn on the cob on Kasr El-Nil bridge.  Without any prompting, they see in the bearded person a menace; in the students demonstrations, the effects of brain-washing; in the killing of Egyptian soldiers and police personnel, a terrorist attack on the authentic Egyptian revolutions of January 25, 2011 and June 30, 2013.

There is the graffiti by the Muslim Brotherhood describing "C.C." (for the pronunciation of the name of General El-Sisi) as a "murderer" (Qatel).  But the young and the old secularists add one letter to become (Moqatel) "a fighter."  The general public, which was my collective professor from the Delta to El-Minya, in southern Egypt, wants the General who delivered them from the Islamic grip on July 3, to run for President or to accept the premiership under an elected President.  That potential president might be the same person who is now an interim President, Counsellor Adly Mansour.  Those who can read English laugh at the reporting in the New York Times by its current correspondent, David Kirkpatrick as "biased," and pro-Muslim Brotherhood. 

Everyone I met, and I had no pre-arranged selected audiences, kept on asking me: "Why does the USA support the Brotherhood?"  When I try a professorial response regarding the lop-sided interpretation in the U.S. of "democracy in Egypt," my audience, while respectful, look baffled.  Hearing of U.S. Congressional hearings held recently on "human rights in Egypt," the average Egyptian sneers, saying:

"The U.S. has Guantanamo; a President who is daily hounded for being black; a public lurching to the right and equating between Islam and terror; and a Congressional gridlock which shut down the federal government for 16 days."

They do not hate Americans; they hate what they perceive as anti-Muslim bias and abuse of the Rule of Law in the pursuit of torture.  This outlook causes them to be uncomprehending of the U.S. elevation of the Brotherhood to the level of a legitimate opposition.

The general scene in the Egyptian street which I carefully studied is one of support for the newly-amended constitution which shall be voted upon this January.  The expected boycott by the Brotherhood of that plebiscite is a cause for public scorn.  To the ouster of Morsi, their response is "Maal Salamah," said by a hand wave of "good riddance."  In spite of the Brotherhood's threats of disruptive violence, that constitution is expected to pass.  On lamp-posts all over Egypt, the signs are hung declaring, "Participate in constitutional-making by voting Yes," and "A Yes for the constitution is a vote for the Revolutions of January 25 and June 30."  (There was a grammatical error.  But so what?  I was born to an Azhari father, thus a stickler for classic Arabic.)

Though trains are not running except for a few lines (the Central Station Square has the Statue of Ramses II gazing down on an empty square), all means of transport are in full swing.

Vegetables from lettuce to tomatoes, from onions to carrots, from squash to cabbage and a variety of fresh fruits, are on sale everywhere.  A pound of deliciously-ripe tomatoes sell for the equivalent of ten U.S. cents.  In New York City, it cost me $1.25 (125 cents). 

In December 2012, my hotel in Cairo had only 20% occupancy; now it has 60% occupancy.  U.S. tourists flew to Egypt by Egypt Air which I took in a direct flight from JFK to Cairo International Airport.  At the Cairo International Airport, I experienced upon arrival and departure the swiftest clearance at both passport control and Customs.  The country is hungry for tourism, and the Egyptian authorities are responding with alacrity.

Though university students, especially in Cairo, are still demonstrating for what they call "The Return to legitimacy," I saw on two occasions near Cairo University that the numbers were few, and the spirit was less than enthusiastic.  I was able to deliver my lecture on "Egypt in Search of Allies," on December 9 at the University on time.  Students of both genders, deans and other faculty participated enthusiastically and gave me the Faculty's shield, as a gift.

In total, I made four presentations.  On December 4, at the Diplomatic Institute of the Foreign Ministry on the subject of "politicization of the UN Security Council." A day later, on December 5, I lectured at the magnificent British University in Egypt (BUE) on "Behind Saudi Arabia's Refusal of UN Security Council Seat."  On December 9, my lecture on "Egypt in Search of Allies" was held on time and to a proactive audience at Cairo University's Faculty of Economics and Political Sciences.  The students, both male and female, raised provocative questions about the need for Egypt to nation-build in Egypt as a priority.  Finally, at the beautiful Province of El-Minya, which is nearly 250 miles south of Cairo, the focus was on "The Rights of the Child."  Several senior Coptic priests were in attendance.  The roads from Cairo to Aswan, both east and west of the Nile were built by the Egyptian army.  The eastern branch resembles the autobahn in Germany.  A clear demonstration of Cairo's attention to the development of southern Egypt. 

Throughout these encounters, I witnessed the dedication of the young diplomatic attaches at the Diplomatic Institute; the spirit of public giving by Mohamed Farid Khamis, a philanthropist, in the mold of Warren Buffet and Bill and Melinda Gates.  Mr. Khamis funded the establishment of the British University in Egypt (BUE) in the eastern desert as a not-for-profit institution of quality higher education.  Later at Cairo University, where I continue to be adjunct professor of law, I witnessed the collaboration of the Egyptian Council for Foreign Affairs (ECFA -an NGO) with the Faculty of Economics and Political Sciences in the co-sponsorship of my lecture on Egypt in Search of Allies.  The lady dean, Dr. Hala El-Said was the moderator, and the best questions came from a student who was focused on the use by Egypt of "soft power," and from Ambassadors Mohamed Shaker, and El-Said Shalaby, respectively ECFA's Chairman and Executive Director.

The finale of my stay in the land of the Nile was at the Province of El-Minya where several factors came together to make my visit memorable.  These were: Alaa Makady, the dean of the Makady Clan; the well-established National Association for Human Rights (NAHR) of El-Minya; the pro-active provincial Governor General Salah Ziadeh, who regaled me with details of his visit to a girls high school in the town of Abu-Qirqass; Coptic priests who were eager to know more about the status of children under international law; and the faculty of El-Minya University.

As I was leaving the land of the Nile, I was introduced to the new operetta entitled: "Blessed Be the Hands of the Army of Egypt" (in Arabic: "Teslam El-Ayadi")  It is a salute to the armed forces for their support of the 35 million Egyptians who on June 30 rebelled against the Morsi Islamist one-year coup.  When I asked for the words of "Teslam El-Ayadi"  a 15 year old boy poured over my request and handed me his 9-page transcript.  It was Faisal Makady, Alaa Makady's oldest of 3 boys.  He gave enthusiastic priority to my request.  It was his contribution to the rise of his secularist country.  The Islamists have offensively countered by "Cursed Be the Hands of the Army of Egypt."  Hating the armed forces is a cause of deep alienation of the Brotherhood from the majority of the populace.

How can the Brotherhood aspire to a return to power in Egypt given all the enmities they have engendered?  Now I know from the Egyptian street that the Brotherhood has no future.  The veneration of country, the army, Egypt and the Islam of diversity (the Islam of Al-Azhar) are deep seated.  Just ask young kids like Faisal Makady, and you will get their non-varnished response of total distancing from the bearded hoards.

In this broad field investigation of the status of the Egyptian Sector of the Arab Spring, there is a lesson which I would like to share with my readers.  The Muslim Brotherhood, having burned its bridges with the new Egypt, has the chance of a snow ball in hell to come back to power.  Nor can they go forward politically as a partner in Egypt's transition to democracy.  The American romantic idea of the Brotherhood's suffering a coup at the hands of Egypt's military is seen by the Egyptian street as both myopic and anti-Egyptian.

It is quite possible that secular Egypt might one day resort to the anti-terrorism convention of the League of Arab States (1998) to declare the banned Brotherhood as "a terrorist organization."  In this, Cairo has the blood of its army and security personnel to prove it.  The blood shed by the Brotherhood in mid-August, though very regrettable, was for all intents and purposes, a self-inflicted wound.  For 6 weeks, the destructive sit-ins defied the pleas by the government to end peacefully that illegal occupation of public squares, weapons hoarding, and abuse of the freedom of expression.

Today at several Egyptian universities we witness the ineffectual noisy student demonstrations, in abject deviance of the newly - promulgated Egyptian law on public demonstrations.  These exercises in futility shall not bring the Islamists back to power.  The Brotherhood's game of victimization at the hands of both the State and the public at large, has been exposed as a ploy intended to draw in outside intervention.   

That intervention shall not happen.  This game is now over.  The new Egypt has declared its independence from outside powers whether Arab or non-Arab.  It has also cured Egypt from the myth of the Brotherhood as a democratizing vehicle.  At this pivotal moment in the history and destiny of the Egyptian revolution, America should cease what is perceived as intervention in Egyptian internal affairs. Taunting Cairo by characterizing the June 30 Revolution as a coup shall only add to Cairo drifting further away from Washington.  Russia is extending welcoming hands to Egypt, which is the engine that pulls behind it the entire Arab train.  I visited Rebaa Square, which was the scene of the Brotherhood's armed uprising against secular Egypt.  There I found it beautifully restored to its beauty through government rehabilitation.

For the new Egypt, through gradual reform policies, is rising again.  The telling proof: Both the eastern and western deserts (nearly a million square kilometers) are being reclaimed for the young and restless.  This is a massive renaissance which the U.S. and the rest of the world should welcome and support.

Once again, and in spite of the Islamists' disdain, the Crescent is embracing the Cross in the new Egypt.  The national anthem ("Biladi, Biladi": My Country, My Country) was played when the Constituent Committee of Fifty completed drafting the 247 Articles of the newly modified Constitution of 2013-2014.

Led by its chairman, the veteran diplomat turned politician, Amr Musa, they stood at attention, including a physically-handicapped member, repeating in unison "Long Live Egypt" (Tahya Misr). 

By the way, that national anthem is disdained by the Muslim Brotherhood.  When it is played, they remain seated gazing in the distance at a non-nationalist horizon of Pan-Islamism which is nothing more than a mirage.

When I was searching for the words of that anthem, another 15-year old Egyptian lad came to my rescue.  Aly the son of one of my two nieces, quickly wrote the words down.  As he gave me the text smilingly, he said derisively of the Brotherhood: "They do not even salute our national anthem." 

No wonder that the new Egypt looks upon the Muslim Brotherhood as an alien group which, behind the cloak of Islam, is holding a dagger.