Fake news, like fake material, are contrived to look like the real thing. Those who create them, especially in the age of social media, are fakers engaged in deception. Most of fake news are the stuff from which propaganda is made. A cover for defeat, or unfulfilled promises, or an inducement to feel good especially when the outcome is terrible.
Fakers come from all cultures, and all geographic regions, especially when a dictator is actively seeking a cover-up. This is different from purposeful deception in times of armed conflict, because war strategy invariably looks for fooling the enemy.
In the age of Donald Trump, the issue of fake news has become a special industry. Trump and his supporters, whether in America or elsewhere where xenophobia is ascendant, have made faking a substitute for either truth or experience. Such fakers begin by attacking the credibility of proven truths as lies (fake news) to allow their own lies a space in the public square.
A most recent example about Trump as a faker is when, on March 20, his health care plan was withdrawn from the House of Representative rather than suffer certain defeat. Thus the Obama Care (Affordable Care Act), which Trump has vowed to "repeal and replace, from Day One in the Oval Office" continues to be the law of the land. Faking victory, in spite of that major defeat, Trump described the Democratic leadership "the real losers."
Deeper cover-ups by Trump are his denials of any contacts by him or members of his team with any Russian officials to help him win the Oval Office, his description of the Muslim Ban as "a security shield for America," his igniting hatred of Muslims by saying "they hate us, and want to kill us."
Laughing about these racist claims, the American comedians on the TV series "Saturday Night Live" had a response for Trump. On March 25/26, they said: "If 1.7 billion Muslims want to hurt you, there must be something wrong with you!!"
And how can the world ever forget a historic Iraqi faker called Al-Sahhaf?! Information Minister for Saddam Hussein who in April 2003, he declared in Baghdad: "We are surrounding the Americans, crushing them!!" This is while the American tanks were rumbling in Baghdad at a stone throw distance from Al-Sahhaf, now known as "Baghdad's Bob."
In a similar vein of faking the news was Nasser's justification of the outcome of the Six Days War which lost Arab lands to the Israeli military juggernaut in June 1967. He declared: "We were expecting the enemy to attack from the east, but they came from the west!!" How unbecoming for a military leader to justify that terrible defeat through an obtuse ignorance of what his Arab forebears have always declared: "War is cunning!!" (Al-Harb Khudaa).
Ironically it was Nasser's under appreciated successor, Sadat, who through the adoption of a grand deception plan, was able in October 1973 to regain for Egypt's military both dignity and confidence. But not before historic damage was done elsewhere. Lost, at least for now, is Arab sovereignty over the Golan, the West Bank, and East Jerusalem. A huge cost due to mismanagement by Nasser as of April 1967 when he precipitated the removal of the UN peace-keepers from Sinai.
The same disease of faking news has plagued Hamas which is in control of Gaza in competition with Fatah in Ramallah which is no less faker of news than Hamas.
Hamas, the "Islamic Resistance Movement," feigns victory in the midst of disastrous consequences. In its confrontation from 2008 to 2010 with Israel which besieges Gaza, Hamas leaders claim success in the form of tunnelling for safety. One does not expect Hamas to hold Israel, the 4th largest military machine in the world at bay. But how can the total destruction of 14000 Arab dwellings in Gaza be measured by Hamas as a military success?
That pattern of deception by Arab leaders, particularly in Syria, Yemen and the Sudan, cannot be less comical. Bashar, even after the most brutal civil war in world history would have subsided, shall never be expected to rule over a non-divided Syria. And the war against the Houthis shall not end in a Yemen Republic of a united North (tribal) and South (progressive).
In the Sudan, Bashar's rule whose longevity is approaching that of the defunct Mubarak rule in Egypt, is presiding over a country which is preoccupied with this question: "Which province is expected to split away next from Khartoum: Darfour or Kordofan?"
Here the fake news in the Sudan are centered on "the national dialogue" about "the earlier national dialogue," about "the earliest national dialogue." It is the same dreary song and dance about Palestinian national unity by Abbas in "the State of Ramallah," and Mishaal in "the State of Gaza." Fakery can never be guidance toward national cohesion and progress.
So is in the grand case of the Muslim Brotherhood: Faking the news of being a social humanitarian movement while empowering its fake news machine to claim legitimacy in the face of the opposition by 35 million Egyptians in June 2013. That protest movement against turning cosmopolitan Egypt into an Islamic Emirate forced the Brotherhood to shed its humanitarian veil, revealing its true conspiratorial terroristic ethos in the land of the Nile. Legitimacy can never spring from the muzzle of a gun or the explosion of a device by the road side.
It was Kissinger who called for America's exit from Vietnam in the early 1970s. But that was also through "fake news." Stalemated by the Vietcong, and with more than 50,000 American military death count on the battlefield, Kissinger advised: "Why not declare American victory then depart from Vietnam?" It worked, but only in terms of "the departure" part of the Kissingerian equation. Ho Chi Minh knew that he had to deflate the claim of victory through the imposition of his tough terms during the Paris negotiations in the mid 1970s.
Faking news about non-achieved victories is like opium administered largely by failing leaders. It makes the populace feel good for a while. But the hangover lasts much longer causing real damage to the fabric of confidence between the Ruler and the Ruled.
But the prize for the most egregious and dangerous faker in modern history shall go to Donald Trump, the 45th president of the U.S. A book by an American author has hit the shelves in early March 2017. It is about Trump being the least fit president in US history. Its title is "How The Hell Did We Get Here?"
Getting "here" was due largely to decades of "spin." Such as America encouraging Saddam to attack the Islamic Republic of Iran in 1980? Then to turn on him in 2003 on the fraudulent claim of possessing "weapons of mass destruction."
Should I stop here?! Perhaps not. The New York Times Magazine of Sunday March 19, 2017 carried a lengthy article on Egypt. With a title of "Generation Jail," I recorded no less than 10 errors of fact (fake news). These included the fallacy that President Adly Mansour (2013-2014) was installed by the military, not through a broad national consensus.
It also included the hoax about the severity of the Egyptian law regulating demonstrations. Really? Just compare that law with the American law. You shall quickly find that the American equivalent is in fact much more restrictive than the Egyptian one. Especially in regard to: "Time," "Place," and "Manner" of holding an approved public demonstration. We all remember what happened to the "Occupy Wall Street" movement. Forget about the fraudulent testimony of some faculty members at the American University of Cairo (the AUC).
Lies have a very short shelf life. But their after effects could be very lasting. Just remember the horrible fake episodes about "the humane treatment" of detainees at Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo!! I can build a whole graduate course of study around these two black holes!! An appropriate title for it might be "The Hate and Fake Interdependency."
NOTE: New blog postings will resume on a monthly basis until my new book is ready for the press this Fall. Its title: "War On Jihadism Ideologically: The New Islamic Religious Revolution"
Friday, March 31, 2017
Friday, March 17, 2017
Uncanny Similarity Between Donald Trump and Deposed Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi
They don't look alike. But are as unfit for presiding respectively over America or Egypt, they match.
Trump puts himself above the law, saying, in critical cases, it does not apply to the President. So did Muslim Brotherhood Morsi in Egypt. Trump sees no conflict of interest in mixing between the business of his 550 companies and being the President of the United States. So did Morsi when he declared, during his presidency, that he was above the law.
Perceiving Russia as in loco ally of the U.S., Trump has seen no problem in Russian slicing off of part of the Ukraine, "Wouldn't it be nice to get along," he intoned. In Egypt, Morsi, during the Brotherhood's reign of darkness (2012-2013), saw in Turkey and Pakistan foreign policy extensions of Cairo.
Morsi did not have the material riches of Donald Trump. Far from it. But in Khairat El-Shatter, the Brotherhood's money bags, there was an equivalency.
The Brotherhood's coffers were supplemented by unaccounted for financial dollops from overseas. The State's Central Accounting Office in Cairo was barred from even raising questions. These were regarded as "charitable contributions" from abroad, and the hand of the State could not reach them for counting or accounting.
How similar is that to Trump's non-divulgence of his taxes either before the elections or after his elevation to the post of president. "We are being audited by the Internal Revenue Service" -he posited. No proof on that. And if a proof is produced about that feigned audit, no conflict in divulging the amount and sources of his claimed riches for both transparency and payment of US taxes.
Trump came to the Oval Office, not through the majority of the popular vote on November 8, 2016. His non-merited ascendancy to the most influential executive post in the whole world came through a Constitutional gimmick called the Electoral College. An appendix in the American Constitutional structure which had been intended by the founding framers to keep mobocracy out of ruling America. Well, that safety valve has malfunctioned, as it backfired through the enraged mobs being counted for the purpose of satisfying the Electoral College.
In Morsi's case, the route to the presidency in Egypt was circuitous, but led in the same direction. First Morsi was not the first choice of the Muslim Brotherhood. (Nor was Trump for the Republican establishment in America. Sixteen others competed with him for the coveted prize). But once Morsi was chosen, his gaining over his opponent, General Shafik, left the legitimacy of the vote count in doubt. Even with one and a half percent edge in the popular vote over Shafik, the ballot boxes were not secure. And judicial monitoring was not geographically even.
Both Trump and Morsi have a distinct propensity for war. Trump has declared "I love war;" and Morsi beat the drums for warring against Ethiopia over the construction by Addis Ababa of the Renaissance Dam over the Blue Nile. "Egypt will go dry -a catastrophe," screamed Morsi. Yet all the while, Morsi looked the other way as Hamas denied the very existence of Israel with which Egypt has a peace treaty.
The two men share the same perception of brotherly movements abroad as means of legitimating their rule over their respective countries. Trump sees in the British Brexit and the rise of the right in Europe a vindication of the neo-isolation of America. The deposed Egyptian President saw in a mythical Caliphate over all Muslim lands the road to the resurgence of Islam, as interpreted by the Muslim Brotherhood.
It is interesting to note that neither Trump nor Morsi has an inclination to read. Trump has openly manifested that. But Morsi has proved it by circumstantial evidence. Morsi claims a Ph.D. in engineering from California. The question is this: Has he written that dissertation? Or was it written for him on commission. For if he had written it, then where is the proper English language which surely develops and expands in its vocabulary through the arduous self-authorship of a Ph.D. dissertation?
In a small pamphlet titled "Accomplishments by President Dr. Mohamed Morsi," nearly 500 projects are listed. From dredging a canal in Upper Egypt to the repair of the railroad between Cairo and Alexandria. All by Morsi!! So are Trump's claims to great accomplishments within 50 days. Pre-election plans for industrial expansion by large US companies are immediately claimed by that narcissistic president to be a part of Trump's achievements.
Anxiety reigns over America since the assumption by Trump of the U.S. presidency. In certain instances that anxiety translates into outright fear, experienced by immigrants worried over deportation for the flimsiest infraction. Included in those widening circles of fear are Muslims, due to the Muslim ban, compounded by raising red flags over the misnomer "Islamic terrorism." As if terrorism has a faith!!
So was the case in Egypt, during the Islamist reign of obscurantism of the Muslim Brotherhood. The targets were the Copts, the liberals, the other secularists, women. Tourism dried up, compounding the economic woes of Egypt of 100 million. Attackers of churches, Shiis, unveiled women, and the very message of Al-Azhar went unpunished. It was the reign of impunity gone mad!!
Neither Trump nor Morsi saw in the judiciary a co-equal branch of the Government. In Egypt, the Supreme Constitutional Court was besieged for weeks by Brotherhood hooligans. The Brotherhood controlled both the executive, and its own Brotherhood majority parliament. As for Trump, judgments by the judiciary were attributed to the ethnic background of one federal judge, or to incompetence as in the case of freezing the Trumpian executive order affecting the freedom of movement in and out of the U.S. Trump called the orders issued by the U.S. judiciary, whether in Washington State or in Hawaii, "judicial over-reach!!"
One more thought remains: The Egyptian Revolution of June 30, 2013 has resulted in the removal of Morsi, thus saving Egypt from the possibility of civil war. In America, the nation is deeply divided; the three branches of government, including the judiciary through the possible confirming of a very conservative ninth justice for the Supreme Court; the growing anxiety over Russia's influence and possible blackmail over Trump, are all the kinds of drip drip drip which may end up in shortening the tenure of Trump's presidency.
Similar features of governance by Trump and Morsi are manifest in two critical areas: They both have failed in keeping religion and State separate. And they both seemed to treat the armed forces of their respective countries as if they were their personal institutions. Witness the oft-repeated Trump's reference to: "My Generals."
Am I forcing similarities between Trump and Morsi into my own perception of dislike for both? Possibly. Of course, Trump may yet declare the Muslim Brotherhood a terrorist organization -a measure worthy of the just war on terrorism. But whatever happens, with such actions, I cannot avert my gaze over two presidents who have acted similarly in a variety of issues.
Trump puts himself above the law, saying, in critical cases, it does not apply to the President. So did Muslim Brotherhood Morsi in Egypt. Trump sees no conflict of interest in mixing between the business of his 550 companies and being the President of the United States. So did Morsi when he declared, during his presidency, that he was above the law.
Perceiving Russia as in loco ally of the U.S., Trump has seen no problem in Russian slicing off of part of the Ukraine, "Wouldn't it be nice to get along," he intoned. In Egypt, Morsi, during the Brotherhood's reign of darkness (2012-2013), saw in Turkey and Pakistan foreign policy extensions of Cairo.
Morsi did not have the material riches of Donald Trump. Far from it. But in Khairat El-Shatter, the Brotherhood's money bags, there was an equivalency.
The Brotherhood's coffers were supplemented by unaccounted for financial dollops from overseas. The State's Central Accounting Office in Cairo was barred from even raising questions. These were regarded as "charitable contributions" from abroad, and the hand of the State could not reach them for counting or accounting.
How similar is that to Trump's non-divulgence of his taxes either before the elections or after his elevation to the post of president. "We are being audited by the Internal Revenue Service" -he posited. No proof on that. And if a proof is produced about that feigned audit, no conflict in divulging the amount and sources of his claimed riches for both transparency and payment of US taxes.
Trump came to the Oval Office, not through the majority of the popular vote on November 8, 2016. His non-merited ascendancy to the most influential executive post in the whole world came through a Constitutional gimmick called the Electoral College. An appendix in the American Constitutional structure which had been intended by the founding framers to keep mobocracy out of ruling America. Well, that safety valve has malfunctioned, as it backfired through the enraged mobs being counted for the purpose of satisfying the Electoral College.
In Morsi's case, the route to the presidency in Egypt was circuitous, but led in the same direction. First Morsi was not the first choice of the Muslim Brotherhood. (Nor was Trump for the Republican establishment in America. Sixteen others competed with him for the coveted prize). But once Morsi was chosen, his gaining over his opponent, General Shafik, left the legitimacy of the vote count in doubt. Even with one and a half percent edge in the popular vote over Shafik, the ballot boxes were not secure. And judicial monitoring was not geographically even.
Both Trump and Morsi have a distinct propensity for war. Trump has declared "I love war;" and Morsi beat the drums for warring against Ethiopia over the construction by Addis Ababa of the Renaissance Dam over the Blue Nile. "Egypt will go dry -a catastrophe," screamed Morsi. Yet all the while, Morsi looked the other way as Hamas denied the very existence of Israel with which Egypt has a peace treaty.
The two men share the same perception of brotherly movements abroad as means of legitimating their rule over their respective countries. Trump sees in the British Brexit and the rise of the right in Europe a vindication of the neo-isolation of America. The deposed Egyptian President saw in a mythical Caliphate over all Muslim lands the road to the resurgence of Islam, as interpreted by the Muslim Brotherhood.
It is interesting to note that neither Trump nor Morsi has an inclination to read. Trump has openly manifested that. But Morsi has proved it by circumstantial evidence. Morsi claims a Ph.D. in engineering from California. The question is this: Has he written that dissertation? Or was it written for him on commission. For if he had written it, then where is the proper English language which surely develops and expands in its vocabulary through the arduous self-authorship of a Ph.D. dissertation?
In a small pamphlet titled "Accomplishments by President Dr. Mohamed Morsi," nearly 500 projects are listed. From dredging a canal in Upper Egypt to the repair of the railroad between Cairo and Alexandria. All by Morsi!! So are Trump's claims to great accomplishments within 50 days. Pre-election plans for industrial expansion by large US companies are immediately claimed by that narcissistic president to be a part of Trump's achievements.
Anxiety reigns over America since the assumption by Trump of the U.S. presidency. In certain instances that anxiety translates into outright fear, experienced by immigrants worried over deportation for the flimsiest infraction. Included in those widening circles of fear are Muslims, due to the Muslim ban, compounded by raising red flags over the misnomer "Islamic terrorism." As if terrorism has a faith!!
So was the case in Egypt, during the Islamist reign of obscurantism of the Muslim Brotherhood. The targets were the Copts, the liberals, the other secularists, women. Tourism dried up, compounding the economic woes of Egypt of 100 million. Attackers of churches, Shiis, unveiled women, and the very message of Al-Azhar went unpunished. It was the reign of impunity gone mad!!
Neither Trump nor Morsi saw in the judiciary a co-equal branch of the Government. In Egypt, the Supreme Constitutional Court was besieged for weeks by Brotherhood hooligans. The Brotherhood controlled both the executive, and its own Brotherhood majority parliament. As for Trump, judgments by the judiciary were attributed to the ethnic background of one federal judge, or to incompetence as in the case of freezing the Trumpian executive order affecting the freedom of movement in and out of the U.S. Trump called the orders issued by the U.S. judiciary, whether in Washington State or in Hawaii, "judicial over-reach!!"
One more thought remains: The Egyptian Revolution of June 30, 2013 has resulted in the removal of Morsi, thus saving Egypt from the possibility of civil war. In America, the nation is deeply divided; the three branches of government, including the judiciary through the possible confirming of a very conservative ninth justice for the Supreme Court; the growing anxiety over Russia's influence and possible blackmail over Trump, are all the kinds of drip drip drip which may end up in shortening the tenure of Trump's presidency.
Similar features of governance by Trump and Morsi are manifest in two critical areas: They both have failed in keeping religion and State separate. And they both seemed to treat the armed forces of their respective countries as if they were their personal institutions. Witness the oft-repeated Trump's reference to: "My Generals."
Am I forcing similarities between Trump and Morsi into my own perception of dislike for both? Possibly. Of course, Trump may yet declare the Muslim Brotherhood a terrorist organization -a measure worthy of the just war on terrorism. But whatever happens, with such actions, I cannot avert my gaze over two presidents who have acted similarly in a variety of issues.
In life, similarity of circumstances, especially in governance, generally leads to similar outcomes. The parallel of the Trump and Morsi trajectories is difficult to ignore. Both of them have rested their thrones on the perilous grounds of "I won!!"
Both Trump and Morsi live on the same oxygen. Their oxygen is called the mob. They both draw their fancied approval from the howling masses. For Morsi it was Rabaa and El-Nahdha. For Trump it is Nashville, Tennessee and Michigan.
The Trumpists, especially Steve Bannon, Trump's highest adviser, are calling for "the destruction of the administrative State." This anti-State call evokes the horrible memory of a Muslim Brotherhood earlier call. "Toz Fi Misr" (to Hell with Egypt) which was uttered by a Muslim Brotherhood Supreme Guide.
There could be nothing either "supreme" or "guidance" in belittling Egypt of 7000 years of existence.
NOTE: New blog postings will resume on a monthly basis until my new book is ready for the press this Fall. Its title: "War On Jihadism Ideologically: The New Islamic Religious Revolution"
There could be nothing either "supreme" or "guidance" in belittling Egypt of 7000 years of existence.
NOTE: New blog postings will resume on a monthly basis until my new book is ready for the press this Fall. Its title: "War On Jihadism Ideologically: The New Islamic Religious Revolution"
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