In Egypt, Islamists Versus Secularists: The Process of Reciprocal Nullification

He, President Morsi, entered the big hall where his supporters, the Islamists, have congregated.  Thunderous applause; a standing ovation; and a deep throated chant: "We All Love You,!!!" (Kollena Binhibbak!!!)  That was in Cairo on June 10.  Morsi's response to his cheering supporters, led by the Muslim Brotherhood, was: "I call on all political parties and groups to national reconciliation.  The process should be based on a unified vision for the new Egypt.  No more sloganeering!!  No more auctioneering!!"  At that point, the beards and worry beads shook with shouts of approval.

President Morsi is keenly aware of the approaching ominous date of June 30.  Millions of Egyptian secularists are expected to converge on every public square calling for his recall.  They are demonstrating under the banner of "Millions for the Red Card," meaning: You are out of the game.  Legally there is no basis in Egypt for recalling an elected president.  Of course, there is Article 152 of the new Egyptian Constitution promulgated in December 15, 2012.  It reads, in part:

"A charge of felony of treason against the President of the Republic is to be based on a motion signed by at least one-third of the members of the House of Representatives.  An impeachment is to be issued only by a two-thirds majority of the members of the House of Representatives."

No reference to a recall.  And, at present,  there is no House of Representatives, pending elections later this year, with no specific date set as yet.  Recall is a process of relief from the continued rule of a malfeasant.  It is a form of a no-confidence vote to be taken indirectly by the people via their elected representatives.  The days of Athenian democracy where the entire populace gathered to vote in an amphitheatre are long gone.

Such legal facts are overlooked by the movement "TAMMARROD" (Mutiny) which claims to have  already gathered ten million signatures for recalling President Morsi.  They seem to forget that the street is for electioneering.  The ballot box is for elections through which they can vote Morsi out of power if they win in the next election, even by a simple majority.

Other legal hurdles face the June 30 uprising: (a) signing a petition, a non-verifiable process, cannot and should not disenfranchise the 51.5% majority who voted for Morsi, (b) Morsi may have not delivered on his campaign promises.  So have many heads of State around the world who find themselves in the same position.  Election promises constitute no contract.  At best, these are "illusory contracts," aspirational in nature, vacuous in legal merit.  A wish list which is subject to all types of frustration, including "acts of God."  Morsi committed neither a felony nor a treason.

Now the secularists, though divided and fragmented, have come up with what I call "the new doctrine of rejectionism."  In turning down Morsi's repeated calls for a dialogue with the "Front for National Salvation" headed by Dr. Mohamed El-Baradei, they now have what appears to be a set of beliefs expounded recently by the "General Secretary of the Egyptian Socialist Party."  He is an engineer by the name of Ahmed Baha El-Din who, on Tuesday, June 11, defined that "doctrine of rejectionism" in an interview with the United Press International in Cairo.

What are the elements of the doctrine, if one might call it a doctrine?
(1) The Egyptian masses should regain their revolution on June 30, which marks the passing of one year of Morsi's presidency, through massive demonstrations;
(2) Their objective should be to secure their liberty, social justice, and human dignity, which the Islamist rule of Morsi has failed in attaining;
(3) The Muslim Brotherhood has totally failed in ruling the country, and have manifested hunger for more intrusive powers. That hunger is being satisfied through repressive measures which are now leading the populace to call for the fall of the Morsi regime;
(4) The downfall of Morsi has become an urgent necessity which also calls for early presidential elections to replace Morsi;
(5) The phenomenon of using Islam for political ends must be vanquished as it reflects a continuation of Egyptian policies during Mubarak;
(6) The veil of Islamist governance is a pretext for ignoring the needs of the poor; and
(7) Any governmental opposition or suppression of the June 30 demonstrations shall be confronted by a robust response

While the secularists are busy drawing their lines of battle against the Islamists, the latter were getting their forces ready.  The head of what is called "The Sharia Organization," Dr. Ahmed Al-Saloos, has called for the various Islamist parties to unite.  The goal is to defeat the secularists who are less organized than the Islamists in the forthcoming parliamentary elections for the lower chamber.  Al-Saloos whose organization is considered a political arm of the Muslim Brotherhood, and an umbrella for a broad Islamist alliance, called for unified support for any Islamist candidate in any electoral district in order to defeat the secularists in the upcoming elections.

June 30 is looming as a possible turning point in the troubled history of the Egyptian Revolution.  Let us hope that democracy in Egypt shall survive this process of reciprocal nullification.  Diversity and zero-sum games are anti-thetical to one another.  Here I pose one question that has always troubled me for lack of a clear answer: How could Egypt of old have given the world so much, whereas Egypt of today is still searching for itself?!!  Amazing!!